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Across the board in public and private sectors, and all Governments past and present it’s pretty much agreed that corruption on some level is endemic to our institutions and areas of economic activity. That is not to say everyone is corrupt, but rather to acknowledge a socio-cultural reality whose origins are historical.

In their carnival presentation entitled ‘Miss Miles – Mas Corruption’, Tony Hall, Peter Minshall, their creative team, and masqueraders, offered us a refreshing portrayal of who – under such a reality – we might become.

International, cross-cultural research notes whistle-blowers reveal larger amounts of fraud than all regulatory authorities, police agencies, and Governments put together. They also reveal more fraud than compliance officers and professional corporate auditors whose sole job is to uncover such malfeasance. 

Understood in this light whistle-blowing has an essential social and political function in battling abuses of power. This is not to say whistle-blowing is a simple choice. It is not. For all the veneration and admiration of Gene Miles’ integrity and moral courage today we cannot forget she was socially outcast at the time and died young and a pauper. 

For all their good intentions then whistle-blowers are often vilified as troublemakers or crazed. And suffer reprisals that can extend for the rest of their lives. 

A short opinion piece lamenting Ms Miles death in 1972 made a similar point: “What happened to Gene Miles as a human being in this society is something we cannot dismiss as being her own fault. Her fault was believing that if she shouted from the rooftops about things she thought wrong, the society would put them right. She was wrong. Gene Miles was broken, ostracised and even laughed at.”

If the dominant do not want to threaten or use visible forms of power like violence to oppress and repress those speaking truth to power they choose suppression instead. 

Suppression is non-violent and a hidden form of power designed to curtail a person’s behaviour. The most effective way suppression of whistle-blowers is achieved is with words and rhetoric. What anthropologists call “speech acts” and others might term verbal assaults are deployed to degrade the character and life of the whistle-blower. That whistle-blowers often suffer degradation rituals suggests they are a threat to power and/or the wider culture itself.

Positive personal attitudes toward whistle-blowing are also suppressed within each of us by the wider culture. Look at the punishment recent famous whistle-blowers have faced. The US Government or its agencies like the NSA, the CIA, and the FBI can all lie; but the only persons who end up in jail are whistle-blowers like Thomas Drake, Barrett Brown and John Kiriakou who revealed their lying. Behind such punishment is a threat intended for everyone.

The evidence that whistle-blowers suffer negative consequences in a wide variety of circumstances and countries is massive and prohibitive. The literature stresses that those that decide to blow the whistle can suffer a long list of consequences, including: loss of employment, financial difficulties, divorce, marital strain, family conflicts, stress-related heath problems, general anxiety, jail, torture, and even murder.

Another obstacle to whistle-blowing is that companies and senior staff, often in collaboration with their compliance officers provide great rewards for not blowing the whistle. This reveals a central characteristic about whistle-blowing today: the benefits of being corrupt – the monies, contacts and positions gained – is greater than the rewards for doing the right thing and fighting for justice. In other words climbing the economic and social ladder is an accepted ethic of modern society, no matter the consequences.

A final cultural point about whistle-blowing is for all talk of truth and justice, whistle-blowing breaks social codes of collegiality and organisational loyalty, because snitching, grassing, or “sellin” someone out, are in general culturally frowned upon. 

The whistle-blower then is a cultural contradiction. They are someone who captures the public imagination as virtuous while at the same time being someone outcast for breaking certain socio-cultural conventions such as being disloyal or standing up to power.

If dissent and whistle-blowing – essential checks on power – are actively discouraged, suppressed and penalised by the wider culture of business and Government not just locally but internationally where does this leave those seeking justice and fairness? 

Legislative change and protections are of course very important. That said, for anyone seeking to emulate Ms Miles it’s clear more than courage is required. If you whistle-blow today, and arguably many should, the lesson is now – whether inside or outside your organisation – you must do so cautiously and intelligently. Starting with maybe not revealing your identity.


Award winning author Earl Lovelace will speak on the idea of Reclaiming Rebellion this Thursday February 20th at  Martin’s Piano Bar at 6 p.m.
Lovelace has written extensively in his novels and plays about Carnival traditions and rituals.
This is the fourth in a series of Carnival conversations and actions titled Unconquered. Since January 30, the weekly conversations have focused on creating a space to interrogate what Carnival means and where it is going.
Also speaking at Thursday’s event will be Dr. Kevin Browne, Assistant Professor in Writing and Rhetoric at Syracuse University and author of Tropic Tendencies: Rhetoric, Popular Culture, and the Anglophone Caribbean. A native of Trinidad, Browne explores the “Caribbean Carnivalesque” as a representative framework for rhetorical activity that occurs in the Caribbean and wherever people of Caribbean descent reside.

Thursday’s event is free of charge and open to the public.

For more information on Unconquered or to take part in their band Black I - a 21st Century exploration of the traditional Black Indian masquerade, please check the blog or call 794 4547.


[WASHINGTON, DC]  Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) PhD candidate Ryan Shapiro filed a lawsuit this morning against the Central Intelligence Agency over the spy agency’s failure to comply with his Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request for records on recently deceased anti-apartheid activist and South African President, Nelson Mandela. Shapiro wants to know why the CIA viewed Mandela as a threat to American security, and what actions the Agency took to thwart Mandela’s efforts to secure racial justice and democracy in South Africa.

President Obama on Robben Island Prison

President Obama and the first family solemnly reflect during a visit to Nelson Mandela’s prison cell on Robben Island.  Photograph, Pete Souza.  

Shapiro, a FOIA specialist, is an historian of the policing of dissent and the political functioning of national security. His pathbreaking FOIA work has already led the FBI to declare his MIT dissertation research a threat to national security. Shapiro also has FOIA requests for records on Mandela in motion with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. Shapiro is represented by FOIA specialist attorney Jeffrey Light.

Two Key Issues Regarding Today’s Filing Against the CIA:

1) The CIA is widely and credibly believed to have been involved in Mandela’s 1962 arrest that led to his decades-long incarceration. Yet, the Agency has never admitted its role in this affair, and little specific public information exists on the matter. Shapiro’s FOIA efforts will begin to fill this massive hole in public knowledge of U.S. intelligence operations.

2) Despite longstanding public knowledge of U.S. intelligence assistance to apartheid South Africa in general, and in Mandela’s arrest in particular, much of the U.S. and world press has paid distressingly little attention to these issues. Even in the wake of Mandela’s death, these issues, including the fact that Mandela remained on the U.S. terror watch list until 2008, have for the most part remained ignored or discounted. Shapiro’s efforts will bring much-needed attention to these vital topics, as well as to the U.S. intelligence community’s continued outrageous aversion to transparency.

According to Shapiro:

“Though the U.S. intelligence community is long believed to have been involved in Mandela’s arrest, little specific public information exists regarding this involvement. Similarly, though the U.S. intelligence community is long understood to have routinely provided information to the South African regime regarding the anti-apartheid movement, little specific public information exists about these activities either. Further, despite now being universally hailed as a hero and freedom fighter against gross injustice, Mandela was designated a terrorist by the United States government and remained on the U.S. terror watch list until 2008.

In bringing suit against the CIA to compel compliance with my Freedom of Information Act request, I seek access to records that will begin answering the following questions:

What was the extent and purpose of the U.S. intelligence community’s surveillance of Nelson Mandela prior to his arrest? What role did the U.S. intelligence community play in Mandela’s arrest and prosecution? What role did the U.S. intelligence community play in the broader effort to surveil and subvert the South African anti-apartheid movement? To what extent, and for what objectives, did the U.S. intelligence community surveil Mandela following his release from prison? To what extent, if any, did the U.S. intelligence community continue providing information regarding Mandela to the apartheid regime following Mandela’s release from prison? What information did the U.S. intelligence community provide American policymakers regarding Mandela and the South African anti-apartheid movement? To what extent, and to what ends, did the U.S. intelligence community surveil the anti-apartheid movement in the United States? How did the United States government come to designate Nelson Mandela a terrorist threat to this country? How did this designation remain unchanged until 2008? And what was the role of the U.S. intelligence community in this designation and the maintenance thereof?”

Malinowski broke with convention by abandoning the positivist pretence of aloof scientific objectivity by inserting a witnessing self into his narrative.
I’m just sick of the way things are. We’re in an age in which we can’t live without accepting the logic of the market. Contemporary politics is all about short-term pragmatism. We have abandoned religion and philosophy … What we have left is the automatisation of doing what the market tells us


Lets be honest with ourselves, its not that the cops have been attacking ‘peaceful’ protests, it is the police who organize peaceful protests in collaboration with ‘acceptable’ and ‘legitimate’ groups, this is why they are allowed, they are completely ineffectual – what the police have been violently attacking is effective struggle and effective organization outside of their parameters.

It doesn’t matter that the occupation of Senate House was being conducted ‘peacefully’ when it was violently evicted by police, what’s important here, and why violence was used against it in pre-planned collaboration with university management, is that it was linked to a struggle that is disruptive and effective and in danger (for them) of generalising.  If the occupation was only about student fees again perhaps, in an environment of ineffectual backdated policy lobbying, and without the prolonged and antagonistic persistence of 3cosas, the police and management probably couldn’t care less.  That is not to say students have given up on free education, but it would be manageable with no horizon for generalisation in that form, but this was about an effective material struggle that the management cannot afford to lose but look like losing, hence the lack of their usual patience towards students. 

The 3cosas' genuine intention to actually win pay and pensions for outsourced workers, and not just lobby and protest about their unhappiness, is palpably felt by the university management.  And the crackdown from the cops is an attempt to strangle this type of movement and organization before it generalizes, the type of movement they've seen generalize before in 2010, one that does not ask for permission but that this time antagonistically aims at improving material conditions for people.  But unfortunately for the police, their strangulation efforts have backfired.

It is resonating for much wider reasons than terrible pay for outsourced workers however, although it is all of course interlinked.  The state’s attempt at total control of all aspects of life, with the cops as the violence at the edges of this, seems widely and deeply felt by large sections of the population.  It is everywhere, you can see it and feel it, CCTV is everywhere, cops are everywhere, barriers are everywhere, and the cops are the physical barrier to resisting the suppression of wages and lives.

The police’s reach intends to be ‘total’, and that stretches from orchestrating pointless ‘peaceful’ protests on behalf of the government and arresting anyone trying to protest differently to shooting black men dead in the street. And so it is not possible, as the cops often claim in order to de-legitimise protests, for anyone to hijack this movement.  Because police violence is so generalized amongst the population it is everyone’s movement anyway, and, because it is against the police, it is already illegitimate.

A violent threat lies in the polite emails received by protest organisers from police liaison officers expressing ‘concerns’ for your safety with the threat of arrest if you do not comply.  Your safety is enforced by violence, which seems strange, but what they actually mean is order.  The student chants of ‘You killed Mark Duggan’ as they were being violently evicted from a management building is not coincidental.  Police violence is police violence.  Upholding order with sticks, punches and guns.  Whether that be suppressing union struggle at the University of London or shooting dead Mark Duggan in Tottenham, their intention is the same, although their fatal tactics are more commonly reserved for the working class and black communities of the country.

It is clear that removing the police from as many aspects of society as possible is necessary for any semblance of life.  This is not peaceful protest, it is effective struggle and necessary resistance.  Cops off campus is not so much a demand as a determination to create physical and psychological cop free zones.

(…and right on cue, as protests are becoming effective, the courts have just granted a ban on all protests on campuses at the University of London)


It is especially repugnant that the ruling ignores the 2005 judgement made by the Inter-American Court on Human Rights (IACHR) that the Dominican Republic adapt its immigration laws and practices in accordance with the provisions of the American Convention on Human Rights. The ruling also violates the Dominican Republic’s international human rights obligations. Furthermore, the ruling has created an environment where, with the abrogation of rights that flow from citizenship, arbitrariness can flourish as illustrated by recent media reports of the forced deportation to Haiti of persons claiming to be Dominican and with no linguistic or familial ties to that country.

 - Caricom Statement on Dominican Republic’s citizenship ruling.

Last night I attended an impromptu audience with Prime Minister of St. Vincent and the Grenadines Ralph Gonsalves who was in Trinidad for the Heads of Government Meeting at which they finally made their statement condemning the shocking and racist court ruling in the Dominican Republic against Haitian descended Dominicans.

The meeting was hosted by Jouvay Ayiti – a Trinidad based collective dedicated to addressing the question of Haiti through what Rawle Gibbons described last night as the ‘mechanism of mas’.

Jouvay – the opening of Carnival celebrated in several islands across the Caribbean- has always been a point of protest and social commentary in Trinidad.

So the choice to use mas as a means of confronting our past, present and future engagement with Haiti is not only valid it is vital.

Jouvay Ayiti first responded to the DR question on November 6, with a mas action in Port of Spain. This was followed up with a petition sent to Caricom.

Meanwhile it’s taken over two months for a statement to come from Caricom and it is largely, I am inclined to believe after last night’s audience with the SVG PM, due to his agitations. He even joked about the similarity in the language of the Caricom’s statement and the letters he sent to the DR’s  on October 11 and another on November 11 (neither of which has received a response to date).

As Angelique V Nixon points out in her article on Groundation Grenada, Haitians are also regularly discriminated against and deported from the Bahamas.

The Bahamas — somewhat like the DR’s new ruling — also denies rights to the children of migrants, the difference being that children of migrants do have access to birth citizenship rights, which they have to apply for at 18. However, this process can take years, especially if one does not have access to legal assistance. Unlike the DR, Haitian Bahamians do have the right to stay in the country until they turn 18. However, many Haitian Bahamians remain stateless after 18 because of the difficulty in securing their status. On top of the legal challenges that Haitians and Haitian Bahamians deal with, they are socially stigmatized — from slurs and stereotypes to poor treatment at public clinics and hospitals, Haitian people bear much blame for a variety of social ills in Bahamian society. When times are rough, tourism is down, crime is on the rise, or people get laid off, Haitians are the scapegoats for everyone’s troubles and strapped resources. This resonates eerily with what has happened in the Dominican Republic, and I offer this comparison to remind us of the vulnerable position in which many Haitian migrants find themselves — not only in the DR but also elsewhere in the region.

Gonsalves openly stated last night that he disagreed with Caricom’s ‘quiet diplomacy’ approach. He read the two strongly worded letters he sent to Medina and also the letter he sent to Venezuela’s  Maduro, calling on him to consider suspending them from the Petrocaribe agreement.

So aside from threats of suspension from Cariforum and CELAC, the Petrocaribe issue is probably going to be a defining factor in the outcome of this regional embarrassment.

Money talks, after all.

And in as much as I am glad that Caricom has finally found  voice and interest enough to make a statement (Norman Girvan in introducing Gonsalves last night said it was the first time he could feel proud of the Community) I’m still concerned about issues of free movement in the Caribbean. 

Since the issuing of this statement, the planned talks between Haitiian President Michel Martelly and a high profile team of officials from the Dominican Republic have fallen through.

So what comes next? Aside from the threat of sanctions and diplomatic snubbing how are we really going to start to address institutional and other types of racism in the Caribbean between nations?

It brings me again back to my concerns with regards to the reparations issue – what is Caricom’s policy position on the complexities of our ethnic and racial interactions?

How are we engaging with these complexities at the level of education, at the level of policy, at the level of government initiatives?


Because let’s face it, the reason for our lack of action on Haiti is the fact that in 1804 a bunch of enslaved Africans had the audacity to fight against the French, win and then declare themselves a Republic.

And the question of blackness and/or African ancestry is still a point of shame for far too many Caribbean people of African descent, despite the fact that we have given the world some of the leading luminaries of Pan Africanism (Henry Sylvestre Williams, Marcus Garvey, CLR James, George Padmore, to name a few). And of course one of the major issues plaguing our relationship with Haiti is the continued fear and loathing of African spiritual traditions

One of Gonsalves’ closing observations was the virtual non-existence of any critical thought or action coming from the University of the West Indies.  This is something that has bothered me for years. I’m watching and waiting but I’m not terribly hopeful.

Gonsalves started his speech talking about his days as a student at the University of the West Indies Mona campus when he organised the protest against the banning of the late great Walter Rodney who dared go into the ghettoes of Kingston to ground with his brothers. 

45 years later the issues we are afraid to confront are similar if not exactly the same. 

Once upon a time, on the continent of Africa, dreadlocks signified spiritual powers. In the Yoruba language of Nigeria, ‘dada’ is the word for locks. Children born with ‘dada’ hair are thought to have special gifts. In Senegal, members of the Muslim Sufi brotherhood, known as the Baye Fall, wear dreadlocks and smoke ganja as signs of religious devotion. The dreadlocked Mau Mau freedom fighters of Kenya remain spectacular symbols of unrelenting resistance against colonialism.

Our own Rastafari warriors, who still fight against spiritual wickedness in high and low places, adopted the locks of the fearless Mau Mau and dubbed them ‘dread’. As a child, I was taught to fear the dreadlocked Rastaman, who, like the notorious ‘Blackheart Man’, was a very bad character in a terrifying bedtime story. You didn’t know why. But, in real life, just in case, you quickly crossed the road if you saw a Rastaman approaching. You knew he represented danger. He was likely to call down judgement on you, especially if hot comb or chemicals had turned your hair against itself: Fire pon burn head!

In the early years of the Rastafari movement, dreadlocks made a revolutionary political statement. Dread meant fierce, uncompromising assertion of black power. Dread was a potent celebration of ‘knotty head’ in all its rebellious glory. In a society that idolised limp, ‘straight’ hair, deciding to dread was a supremely self-confident act. Dread was also a question of aesthetics. It was an affirmation of the beauty of ‘own-way’ black hair. Ironically, dread was the original ‘relaxed’ hair, released from all of the uptight prescriptions designed to control wayward black hair.

In Jamaica, hair has always been a troubling moral issue. We still talk about ‘good’ hair versus ‘bad’ hair: the grain, texture and length. And the moral weighting of hair reflects the problematic ranking of skin colour: ‘high’ colour versus ‘low’. And we wonder why so many people are bleaching their skin and why women are collectively investing millions of dollars each year buying ‘good’ hair from India and China! Those who can’t afford the expensive ‘real’ good hair have to settle for the relatively cheap plastic version. But it all adds up.


I was recently told about a merchant in downtown Kingston who has made a fortune and built a mansion up in the hills out of hair. Packs and packs and packs of hair, real and false, have been converted into lengths of steel, textured building blocks, and waves and waves of smooth tiles flowing on and on and on. A solidly constructed building, luxuriously furnished out of the trade in seemingly insubstantial hair! I gather that this monument to female folly would put to shame the Holness garrison in Beverly Hills. And, by the way, I wish Andrew good luck in today’s election. Mi spirit tek im. But it seems like a lost cause. The Big Guns appear to have lined up to execute him - metaphorically speaking, of course. Cockroach no business inna fowl fight, so mek mi lef it.

The Victoria Mutual Building Society (VMBS) has been running a brilliant series of ads based on the commonsensical principle that one less indulgence adds up to so much more value. I think VMBS should remind women who are addicted to ‘tall’ hair that one less pack of ‘weave’, and one less hour spent on installing it, will eventually add up to the down payment on a house! But it’s not easy to fight the addiction. The advertising industry in Jamaica conspires with the sellers of imported hair to reinforce the prejudice that tall hair is best. If you don’t believe me, just do a little survey of today’s ads in the print and electronic media.

Many Jamaican men are addicted to women with tall hair, and that’s the root of the problem. Not wanting to be left on the proverbial shelf, anxious females s/tress to impress. I understand the weakness of desperate women who desire improbably long ‘straight’ hair. They have to keep on buying the imported Chinese and Indian hair. It’s the women with braided false hair who puzzle me. I’ve asked several of them why they don’t just locks. The effect would be the same. They say that locks are too permanent. But since their hair is perpetually braided, this argument really doesn’t make much sense.

These days, the dread has been straightened out of dreadlocks. There’s a new brand of locks that’s a very distant cousin of the tree-root dreadlocks of Rastafari ancients. These upscale locks have been tamed by beauticians - or locticians, as they prefer to call themselves. Even hard-core Rastaman going to beauty parlour to dress dem hair. And there’s nothing fishy about it. This new breed of Rastaman is making an eloquent fashion statement. Who di cap fit, mek dem wear it!


One of the issues with starting locks from scratch is having to go through the organic ‘picky-picky head’ stage. There’s a product on the market that can give you instant dreadlocks for real. Not weaved-in locks. It’s called Nudred, and it was developed in the United States by Brigitte Gopou and Bruce Boyd in 2004. I discovered it this summer in a barber shop in the UK. The basic tool is a sponge with 38 holes, each about one-third of an inch in diameter. You apply a special twisting cream, Nupotion, to natural hair and, with a circular motion you create locks. Seeing is believing, so have a look on YouTube.

In an email to me, Mr Boyd explained the Nudred vision: “The Big Chop is about inspiring people to not only remove harmful chemicals from their hair, but out of their lives too. Black Natural Hair Care is a movement to improve the community. By uplifting the community, there is a positive effect on the world. There is a beautiful message when you see one with an Afro, nappy, twisted, locked or any of the various natural styles. Simply saying I am embracing my true power - love for myself. Nurturing, Uplifting, Divinely, Rejuvenating, Evolving Daily - that’s NUDRED.” The company’s slogan is ‘NuHair, NuYou, NuLife!’ For women addicted to other people’s hair, it’s hard to break the habit. Perhaps we need to start an FHA support group - False Hair Anonymous - for all those women in Jamaica who need to get back to roots.

Carolyn Cooper is a professor of literary and cultural studies at the University of the West Indies, Mona. Visit her bilingual blog at Email feedback to and


Today I watched a GREAT discussion between bell hooks and Melissa Harris-Perry, hosted by The New School. They discussed some great topics centered on Black women’s voices and experiences. I live tweeted the event, which is now in a Storify. To view the event (about an hour and fifteen minutes long), check Ustream. Also The Melissa Harris-Perry Show website should be adding the video soon.

Good stuff. Must watch!

(via xaymacans)



"Why is that naive [to start a revolution]? Why is that not my right? I’ve taken the right. I don’t need the right from you; I don’t need the right from anybody. I’m takin’ it."

—Russel Brand on Newsnight speaking candidly about the utter and devastating need for massive action, for sociopolitical revolution, and the need to rectify a disparaging system that murders our planet and impoverishes billions. 

Watch it. Signal boost it!

THE NUDE STATESMAN, i fuuuuuuuucking love him

(via buffleheadcabin)

When will imperialism learn? Yes, they can kill our bodies but they can never kill the spirit of a people fighting for their liberation, they can never kill the spirit of a people fighting for their country and fighting to push their country forward.

Maurice Rupert Bishop

May 29, 1944 - October 19, 1983 

(via tillahwillah)

In capitalism, owners together with about a fifth of the population who have highly empowered work decide what is produced, by what means, and with what distribution. Nearly four fifths of the population does largely rote labor, suffers inferior incomes, obeys orders, and endures boredom, all imposed from above. As John Lennon put it, “As soon as you’re born they make you feel small, by giving you no time instead of it all.”

Capitalism destroys solidarity, homogenizes variety, obliterates equity, and imposes harsh hierarchy. It is top heavy in power and opportunity. It is bottom heavy in pain and constraint. Indeed, Capitalism imposes on workers a degree of discipline beyond what any dictator ever dreamed of imposing politically. Who ever heard of citizens asking permission to go to the bathroom, a commonplace occurrence for workers in many corporations.

Capitalism’s ills are not due to antisocial people. Instead, capitalism’s institutions impose horrible behavior even on its most social citizens. In capitalism as a famous American baseball manager quipped “nice guys finish last.” More aggressively: “garbage rises.”


Aaron Swartz’s Partner Slams MIT Report As a Whitewash

Statement by Taren Stinebrickner-Kauffman, on MIT’s report, released today, on the University’s actions in the Aaron Swartz case:

"MIT’s behavior throughout the case was reprehensible, and this report is quite frankly a whitewash.

Here are the facts: This report claims that MIT was “neutral” — but MIT’s lawyers gave prosecutors total access to witnesses and evidence, while refusing access to Aaron’s lawyers to the exact same witnesses and evidence. That’s not neutral. The fact is that all MIT had to do was say publicly, “We don’t want this prosecution to go forward” – and Steve Heymann and Carmen Ortiz would have had no case. We have an institution to contrast MIT with – JSTOR, who came out immediately and publicly against the prosecution. Aaron would be alive today if MIT had acted as JSTOR did. MIT had a moral imperative to do so.

And even now, MIT is still stonewalling. Wired reporter Kevin Poulsen FOIA’d the Secret Service’s files on Aaron’s case, and judge ordered them to be released. The only reason they haven’t been is because MIT has filed an objection. If MIT is at all serious about implementing any reforms to stop this kind of tragedy from happening again, it must stop objecting to the release of information about the case.”


Takes a while to warm up but by the last minute Brand owns all of them.

Russell Brand Hijacks MSNBC Morning Jo the and Shows Them How to do Their Job - June 17, 2013 (by Conservative1001BG)

It’s getting to the point, you don’t have to have done anything wrong. You simply have to eventually fall under suspicion from somebody, even by a wrong call, and then they could use this system to go back in time and scrutinize every decision you’ve ever made, every friend you’ve ever discussed something with, and attack you on that basis, to sort of derive suspicion from an innocent life and paint anyone in the context of a wrongdoer.
Edward Snowden